John Kiriakou: Inside the CIA’s Torture and Crimes

This special report dives into the dark side of the CIA, featuring insights from former officer John Kiriakou. He discusses the agency’s involvement in torture, its questionable operations, and the personal cost of whistleblowing.

Key Takeaways

• The CIA has a history of using "enhanced interrogation techniques" that amount to torture.
• Whistleblowers who expose these practices face severe legal repercussions.
• The agency may be involved in activities beyond its legal mandate, including drug distribution and domestic spying.
• There are concerns about the CIA’s use of private contractors and its relationship with foreign intelligence agencies.

The Personal Cost of Exposing Torture

John Kiriakou, a former CIA officer with a decorated career, found himself on the wrong side of the agency he served. After witnessing and opposing the CIA’s use of "enhanced interrogation techniques" – which he describes as torture – Kiriakou decided to speak out. His efforts to expose these practices led to his prosecution, a guilty plea, and 23 months in federal prison. He emphasizes that he went to jail not for committing torture, but for revealing it.

Kiriakou’s journey began in 2002 when, after a successful counterterrorism assignment in Pakistan, he returned to CIA headquarters. He was approached about being "certified in the use of enhanced interrogation techniques." When he learned these involved 10 different methods that sounded like torture, he sought counsel from senior officers. He confirmed his belief that the program was likely illegal, immoral, and unethical. He refused to participate, stating, "This is not for me. I think it’s illegal and I want no part of it." This stance marked him, with colleagues referring to him as the "human rights guy."

Rampant Torture and Questionable Practices

Kiriakou recounts how, in his role as executive assistant to the CIA’s deputy director, he saw extensive reporting from a secret site where Abu Zubaydah was being tortured. He was surprised that no one else went public with this information. The situation escalated when ABC News contacted him about allegations that he had tortured Abu Zubaydah. After President Bush publicly denied the existence of torture and suggested rogue officers were responsible, Kiriakou decided to give an interview to ABC News, determined to tell the truth.

During the interview, Kiriakou revealed the techniques used but did not identify the individuals involved. However, he was later targeted by the FBI, with his communications being monitored for three years. The investigation culminated in charges of violating the Intelligence Identities Protection Act and espionage, carrying a potential death penalty. The initial offer was 45 years in prison, with a prosecutor advising him to "take the deal Mr. Kiryaku and you may live to meet your grandchildren."

Key Events and Charges

• 2002: Kiriakou learns of and opposes "enhanced interrogation techniques."
• 2007: ABC News contacts Kiriakou regarding torture allegations.
• 2007: President Bush denies torture, blames rogue officers.
• 2008: FBI investigation begins, surveillance intensifies.
• 2008: Kiriakou is charged with violating the Intelligence Identities Protection Act and espionage.

The Weaponization of Intelligence

Kiriakou’s legal team, including the renowned attorney Plato Cacheris, managed to get the most serious charges dropped. He ultimately pleaded guilty to a lesser charge and served 23 months. He describes this as an example of the "weaponization of intelligence," where the agency pursued charges knowing they lacked a strong case, forcing him into a plea deal. He points to internal communications showing a directive to "charge him anyway and make him defend himself."

When asked if the CIA regularly tortures, Kiriakou expresses hope that it doesn’t, especially after the passage of the McCain-Feinstein amendment. He notes that the Senate torture report validated his claims. However, he acknowledges that the public must largely take the CIA’s word for it. He also reveals that torture was widespread during his time, with CIA officers even training foreign intelligence services in its use. He mentions Gina Haspel, who was nicknamed "Bloody Gina" for her alleged involvement in observing torture sessions.

Beyond Torture: Other CIA Crimes

Kiriakou believes the CIA commits crimes daily. He suggests the agency actively recruits individuals with sociopathic tendencies, who are more willing to break laws. He illustrates this with an example from his application process where the "correct" answer to obtaining information involved breaking into a foreign embassy.

He also addresses the controversial topic of the CIA’s alleged involvement in drug distribution. While a former colleague denied direct involvement, Kiriakou recounts an experience in Afghanistan where a poppy farmer claimed Americans told him he could grow poppies if he revealed the location of "Arabs." He later learned from a DEA contact that the U.S. might have allowed Afghan heroin to flow to Russia and Iran to weaken those societies. He draws parallels to the Iran-Contra affair, where the CIA was accused of facilitating cocaine trafficking.

CIA’s Alleged Criminal Activities

• Torture: Use of "enhanced interrogation techniques."
• Drug Trafficking: Alleged facilitation of heroin and cocaine distribution.
• Domestic Spying: Infiltration of social media and universities.
• Illegal Operations: Use of contractors for deniable operations.

Relationships with Foreign Agencies and Domestic Reach

Kiriakou discusses the CIA’s complex relationship with Israel’s Mossad. While acknowledging operational cooperation against terrorist groups, he states that the CIA does not trust the Mossad, as the Mossad is known to spy on the United States. He assumes the Mossad spies on the U.S. President and the White House, just as the U.S. intercepts foreign leaders’ communications.

The rise of private contractors since 9/11 is also a concern. Kiriakou believes these contractors, sometimes referred to as a "private army," provide the president with an extra layer of deniability for ill-conceived operations. He also touches on the CIA’s extensive reach within the U.S., including working with Hollywood to promote a pro-CIA message and using programs like "Scholar in Residence" to recruit on university campuses. He cites the Twitter revelations, suggesting active duty CIA and FBI officers were placed in social media companies to spy on Americans.

Reforming the CIA

Kiriakou proposes several reforms. He would forbid CIA officers from becoming media personalities immediately after leaving the agency, suggesting a cooling-off period similar to lobbying rules. He also believes that retirees should not retain security clearances unless working on classified contracts. He stresses the need to address the "weaponization" of intelligence agencies against individuals with opposing political views, which he deems un-American.

He references President Truman’s later regret over signing the National Security Act of 1947, which created the CIA, and his belief that the agency should be disbanded. Kiriakou shares his personal belief that the CIA might not be necessary, given other intelligence-gathering bodies, and questions the effectiveness of oversight committees that seem to act as "cheerleaders" for the agency. He concludes by mentioning he is working on a book about these issues with a friend.